Last Exit Magazine
[published: July 01, 2009]
Futile Resistance?
As President Obama orders 17,000 additional troops in Afghanistan, the anti-war movement finds itself trying to mobilize against one of its own. It won’t be easy.
My first order as Commander in Chief will be to end the war in Iraq and refocus our efforts on Afghanistan and our broader security interests. Let me be clear—my plan would not abandon Iraq. It is in our strategic interest to maintain a residual force that will go after al-Qaeda, train Iraqi security forces and protect U.S. interests. But we must recognize that the central front in the war on terror is not in Iraq. The central front is in Afghanistan.—Barack Obama, July 2008, Time magazine.
On a muggy evening in late June, about 60 people crowd into a warm, airless room inside the Quaker Meeting House in downtown Brooklyn. A window is opened halfway and three oscillating fans quietly struggle to provide ventilation. The people sit on white pews lined with seat cushions. Only a handful of those in attendance appear to be younger than 40, and almost all of them will leave early. These are mostly veterans of political activism. They have white hair. Some wear buttons with slogans on them. One lady wears a yellow t-shirt that says, “Arrest Bush”. They are here for a meeting of Brooklyn for Peace, a network of local activists that formed in 1984. The night’s topic is Afghanistan—specifically a discussion about how the U.S. military got into the volatile, veiled country and how it could get out. The featured guests are Elizabeth Gould and Paul Fitzgerald, Boston-based journalists and co-authors of Invisible History: Afghanistan’s Untold Story. Before introducing the authors, Carolyn Eisenberg, vice-chair of Brooklyn for Peace, first takes a moment to assure those in attendance that the strength of their activism, and really their reason for being here in this stuffy room on this night, is not waning.
“We are increasingly invigorated by the fact that this country keeps going into wars,” she says.
It’s a silver lining. But there is something else. It is not 2003. It is not 2004. This is Afghanistan, not Iraq. No one is saying this is just about oil. No one is saying the president and his administration wanted this all along. The targets for a truly invigorated protest are moving and it’s unclear exactly when and if they will settle into something that can be brought into focus. Many Americans were comfortable having Iraq explained to them through slogans. Afghanistan, though, is a mountainous land of unknown dangers and confusion. It is not as big as Texas, but it is close. We don’t understand it.
“It’s a tougher question than Iraq,” Eisenberg admits. “The reality for millions of Americans, including some of you in here, is this is a very, very challenging question. It is not Iraq, which seemed immediately gratuitous. Afghanistan has a different place in the 9-11 story.”
What has brought me to this meeting is an interest in gauging the strength of the anti-war movement five months after President Bush left behind the White House aboard a military helicopter while throngs of detractors waved and chanted and mocked him from below. Or more importantly, I want to know how strong the movement is five months after Barack Obama ascended to the presidency through the force of a galvanized and wildly enthralled support base. My feeling is that it has lost momentum. I think its voice—once loud and righteously sharp and stretched across the country in unwavering certainty—has now been softened. Maybe it’s a case of burnout. Maybe it’s a sense of ambiguity over what exactly the U.S. is doing in Afghanistan. Maybe the anger is now vented at bankers instead of presidents.
Or maybe there is a gnawing uncertainty about the decisions of a man they were certain was on their side of the foreign policy debate. Maybe there is a fear that perhaps they had blindly believed in something that was never exactly true. Maybe resenting the old power was easier than trying to now respect the new power—or holding out hope that power will deliver on the promises they attached to it. Maybe power changes hands but never really changes anything except the person holding it. Maybe they are afraid to say it. Eisenberg, a professor of foreign policy at Hofstra University, tells me after the meeting that she voted for Obama in November and would do so again today.
“(But) I didn’t have great expectations,” she says. “I never thought of him as some messiah. My greater concern is that because he is overseeing such a large bureaucracy, his ability to make significant change requires a viable peace movement to push him. Unfortunately, with the election of Obama people stopped funding the peace movement.”
United for Peace and Justice (UFPJ), a national anti-war group formed in 2002, which includes Eisenberg as a member, is facing a significant financial shortfall, she says. Meanwhile, MoveOn.org, the liberal political action committee, has been criticized by some on the left for remaining silent about Obama’s $106 billion supplemental appropriation bill to fund the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
“I’m concerned about the collapse of the peace movement,” Eisenberg says. “It’s one thing to mobilize for a crisis, but it’s much more difficult to sustain the movement. It’s not as glamorous.”
*
From the beginning, Obama was never quite the anti-war candidate that many of his supporters made him out to be. His early condemnation of the Iraq invasion would invariably bind him to the peace movement, especially at a time when so few public officials were speaking out against the war. For many activists, exasperated and enraged over a war without an end in sight, Obama’s denunciation of the Bush administration’s Iraq strategy was revelatory. He became the “anti-war candidate”; a modern-day George McGovern with a better back story and an almost unmatched talent with words. But even on the day when he first publicly declared his opposition to the war as an Illinois state senator in October 2002, Obama made it clear that his resistance to the use of military force was not without limits.
“Let me begin by saying that although this has been billed as an anti-war rally, I stand before you as someone who is not opposed to war in all circumstances,” he said in the speech delivered at the Federal Plaza in Chicago. Obama spoke with pride, as he would during his campaign for president, about how his grandfather enlisted the day after Pearl Harbor. He spoke of the Civil War, “one of the bloodiest in history,” and how “it was only through the crucible of the sword, the sacrifice of multitudes, that we could begin to perfect this union,” and bring an end to slavery.
“After September 11th, after witnessing the carnage and destruction, the dust and tears, I supported [the Bush] administration’s pledge to hunt down and root out those who would slaughter innocents in the name of intolerance, and I would willingly take up arms myself to prevent such tragedy from happening again,” Obama said. “I don’t oppose all wars.”
Obama’s address that day was made not to endorse the anti-war movement, and certainly not to grab hold of the mantle of leadership within the movement, but to simply denounce “a dumb war.” It was an emphatic, bold and prescient excoriation of the war in Iraq two weeks before Congress gave President Bush the authority to use military force against Saddam Hussein. But it was also a call to strengthen efforts on a different war. When Obama spoke that day in 2002 of America’s need to “finish the fight with Bin Laden and Al Qaeda,” it makes his approval in February of sending 17,000 additional troops into Afghanistan, and the continued use of drone attacks in Pakistan seem as if they were always foregone conclusions.
The war in Iraq has been, for obvious reasons, the platform for the peace movement’s most forceful protest over the past several years. When the war in Afghanistan took a backseat to Iraq in America’s military efforts overseas, it also became a secondary concern for many activists. Now as the Obama administration renews the country’s military efforts in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and scales back its efforts in Iraq, the anti-war movement is struggling to belatedly recast Central Asia as the new looming Vietnam-like quagmire.
*
At a discussion in New York a few months before the November election, journalist and liberal activist Naomi Klein expressed dismay at what she believed was the morphing of the anti-war movement into a pro-Obama movement. Klein sensed that the potency she felt from the group while marching at a rally in New York during the 2004 Republican National Convention was not only fading, it was likely irrevocably lost. It’s an interesting point that begs the question: If, as Klein said, the energy of the anti-war front was diverted to the campaign for getting Obama elected president, is a viable protest movement still possible in the age of the Obama administration?
“We were just talking about it on the march down,” says Linda Rodolitz, a Manhattan resident and volunteer for United for Peace and Justice. We are meeting in Battery Park after the UFPJ-sponsored “March on Wall Street” in April. The UFPJ estimates that 10,000 people participated in the rally, but the number seems generous. Rodolitz first became active in the peace movement during the Vietnam War.
“What we’re saying is that we love the fact that Obama is president. The change from Bush is like 8,000 percent,” she says. “His liberal, Democratic moving-to-centrist views, none of that is negative. But we think there’s a more progressive stance [on Afghanistan] that could have been taken. War is war and not many people are happy about that decision. I think if these policies continue people are going to keep protesting.”
Rodolitz believes the internet is giving people the illusion of participating in activism, when in fact they are disconnecting themselves from the movement. Clicking a button on a computer is not the same thing as actually doing something.
“I just hope that people don’t really take that easy way out—both the fantasy that the need to organize against the war is over and the fact that it’s so easy to participate,” Rodolitz says. “It’s a real struggle. I think all the people in the peace movement are really challenged in how to get the excitement going.”
I tell Rodolitz that most of the signs I’ve seen at the rally are sending ant-capitalist and anti-Wall Street messages. When I tell her that I’ve only seen a few anti-Obama signs, she stops me.
“I saw a sign asking Obama to end the war but it wasn’t about hating Obama like the kind of signs we saw the last eight years,” she says.
This is not entirely true. One sign says, “Oilbama Why?” Another says, “Obama Killed Palestinian Children This Morning.” But to Rodolitz’s larger point: Most of the people I spoke with for this article stayed away from harsh criticisms about President Obama’s foreign policy decisions thus far. Some expressed disappointment, but his supporters are mostly giving him the benefit of the doubt for now. When I ask Rodolitz whether we can draw any parallels between how Obama is handling the wars with that of Bush’s strategy, she pauses.
“The parallel is that he’s keeping a lot of the same people, he’s not taking all of the troops out of Iraq and he’s bringing troops into Afghanistan,” she says. “So yes, it’s not all of the promises we hoped for. (But) it’s been two months for God’s sake. I’ve marched with the left forever, but hello, let’s be realistic. It’s been two months and he has to undo what’s been going on for eight years. Is it perfect? No. Maybe I’m not the most on-the-fringe person but there’s that small detail of reality that you have to deal with.”
*
One of the major storylines of Obama’s meteoric rise to the White House was about how an energetic army of young people, old enough to vote for the first time, became politically engaged and helped power Obama’s campaign through a sort-of youth revolution. That there was a generational shift in how elections are won was probably a bit oversold, but it is hard to deny that a young energy helped tilt the race for the Democrats. Whether that same energy can be transferred to the anti-war movement is still up for debate. Rodolitz seems to think it can.
“This (‘March on Wall Street’) is wonderful, and what is more exciting is to look at the number of young people who came out and marched,” she says. “That’s the most heartening thing that I’ve seen. It’s not just the codger patrol. It gives me enormous hope and we’ll see where it goes. It’s a huge transitional time.”
But speaking to Eisenberg at the Brooklyn for Peace meeting a couple of months later, she sounds less optimistic. She says the absence of young people from the peace movement has been a topic of discussion since the mobilization against the war in Iraq began. The main force behind the movement today is coming from people like her—men and women who began their activism during the Vietnam War. The difference between the two generations, Eisenberg adds, could be the lack of a draft today. During the Vietnam War, many young people felt a sense of urgency because they knew they could be shipped off overseas to fight at any moment. Furthermore, Eisenberg questions whether the same level of magnetism that young people felt for Obama’s campaign could ever be carried over to the peace movement.
“[The campaign] was a short thing,” she says. “It was exciting, it was on television, there was a contest involved. There’s a young-people problem for us. The support for the peace movement has gone down.”
Rebecca Pratte, a student at Pace University in Manhattan, is one of those young people who became politically active during Obama’s campaign. Pratte, 22, attended several of his rallies and voted for him in November. She perks up when I mention the huge momentum push her generation gave Obama during the election.
“Whenever I went to any of the Obama speeches there were so many young people there and all of my friends,” she says. “They were really excited, not only about Obama, but the election too.”
But, Pratte, adds, “It’s kind of waning, I feel. There’s maybe a little less momentum.”
*
America’s involvement in Afghanistan is so complicated, so deeply layered and stretched across so many years that it is difficult to know the proper questions to ask about it, much less finding any answers. In 1981, Elizabeth Gould and Paul Fitzgerald were the first Western journalists to re-enter Afghanistan after the Soviet invasion. The years they spent reporting in the country serve as the basis for their book, Invisible History: Afghanistan’s Untold Story. Fitzgerald says the story that has been told to the American people is one still seeped in “Cold War apocalypse language,” or a “childlike good versus evil dilemma,” adds Gould.
On a trip back to Afghanistan in 2002 Fitzgerald asked a group of journalists there why they weren’t giving Americans the true story of Afghanistan—one that includes covert CIA funding of the Mujahideen Islamic terrorist group as far back as 1979. Fitzgerald was told by one journalist that Americans “don’t have the language” necessary to understand what is happening. Although Fitzgerald says he would rather the Americans never had entered Afghanistan in the first place, he believes Obama’s troop surge is probably necessary. Neighboring Pakistan, which has become a stronghold for al-Qaeda and Taliban militants, is estimated to have as many as 100 nuclear warheads at its disposal.
“(The threat is) real, it’s viable,” he says. “It’s very complicated to say take (the troops) out. You have extremists who want to take over the military and they want to see the end of the world. But there is no military solution to this. History tells (the American government) that and their own military experience says that. We have to look at the Afghanis’ interests, not just American interests.”
This means America has to get the Afghan people on its side, Fitzgerald says. If this happens, they will provide security. If it doesn’t happen, they won’t. Gould says America has to stop the drone bombings in Pakistan that are killing some of the very people the U.S. says it is trying to help. It makes me think of Lyndon Johnson’s infamous, doomed speech in 1965 about escalating the war in Vietnam.
“The ultimate victory will depend on the hearts and minds of the people who actually live there,” Johnson said.
When Obama’s surge is complete, the Americans are expected to have 68,000 troops on the ground in Afghanistan. But given the history of failed military operations in the country—Helene Cooper notes in The New York Times that Afghanistan has “stymied would-be conquerors since Alexander the Great”—a troop build-up leaves many activists feeling like another disastrous strategy in the making.
“I think it’s a big mistake,” says Jan Barry, an original organizer of Vietnam Veterans Against the War. “I was a GI in Vietnam in the early ‘60s and they kept adding a few more people and a few more people. (Obama’s) adding 17,000 more people. That’s how many GIs I was with in Vietnam. If we had left at that point a whole different history would have evolved. And so I’m really concerned that they’re digging themselves a huge hole.”
The Americans have been in Afghanistan for seven years and most of Kabul is still without fully running water and working electricity. According to a United Nations report, the number of Afghan civilian deaths in 2008 rose by 40 percent over the number killed in 2007. Afghanistan is a country of hot summers and cold winters.
Barry is also concerned about the war expanding into Pakistan. “It will destabilize their government, which wars tend to do. And then we’ll have an even bigger disaster happening.”
*
On an overcast and unseasonably cool June evening, three older women stand at the steps of the New York Public Library at 41st Street and 5th Avenue holding a sign that says, “Women in Black Against War”. Another woman hands out flyers. An older man stands next to them wearing a Hawaiian shirt. The after-work crowd rushes past them. They are in their own world. They are in a world of cell phones and cab rides and business suits. They are in a world of meetings and cocktails and networking. They are in a world of top-notch education and universal career goals and casual attire on Fridays. They are in a world of places to be.
The women stand silent. Occasionally, a passer-by takes a flyer. Mostly the women are ignored.
“It’s a silent vigil,” Bernadette Sullivan, a 79-year old Franciscan sister, later tells me as the group packs up to leave. “I pray while I’m standing here. We especially think of all the women around the world who are being raped, taken in slavery and exploited in various ways because of war. So I always keep them in mind because no one is hurting me personally, but I am in solidarity with all of those that are being hurt.”
Sister Sullivan has been coming out here every week for four years now. “Rain or shine,” she says with a laugh. “Snow or hail.” In the past the women have been joined by the Veterans for Peace, but lately they haven’t been showing up. Sullivan believes it’s because the men are quite old—mostly veterans of the Korean and Vietnam wars. Another lady recently stopped showing up because she is battling cancer.
Sullivan first got involved in the peace movement back in the 70s after reading a book by Daniel Berrigan, a catholic priest and peace activist. She has lived with sisters who have been sent to prison because of their anti-war protests. Sullivan started coming to this weekly demonstration after President Bush won a second term.
“I was very distressed when Bush was voted in again,” she says. “I thought it wouldn’t happen with all the concerns we had. I was determined to keep on this.”
Sullivan wears a pin that says, “Imagine Peace.” She voted for Obama and still holds out hope that “he’s going to do better” because of some of the things he said during the campaign. She says it’s hard to tell whether the anti-war movement has lost strength, but thinks that it may not be as passionate as before because people have more confidence in the new president.
“But I’m concerned,” she says. “I’m really concerned that he has increased the troops in Afghanistan by taking them from Iraq and moving them over there.”
Sullivan, who is a member of Franciscans of the United Nations, tells me there is no difference between what the U.S. is doing in Afghanistan and what it has done in Iraq. America began bombing Afghanistan right after 9-11, she says. People have been locked up in Guantanamo and labeled terrorists, regardless of whether they are or aren’t. They have not had access to their families or to lawyers. War is war.
“I think it’s very much against what I believe in as an American and as a Christian,” she says.
*
Naomi Allen is hurrying to her car after the Brooklyn for Peace meeting in June. A nice breeze has set in as the muggy evening has given way to a comfortable, beautiful night. Allen is a board member for the group and serves on the committee focused on Israel and Palestine. She is responsible for driving Elizabeth Gould and Paul Fitzgerald to their hotel tonight. I tell her that I am a journalist working on a story about the anti-war movement in the age of Obama.
“I have a feeling that it has lost momentum,” I say.
Allen smiles. “Oh, that’s the understatement of the year,” she says, before turning serious. “Anytime anyone runs as a peace candidate the entire movement gets sucked in. I think that’s happening with Obama on a large scale. People don’t want to disassociate themselves from him.”
Between 1965 and 1968 Lyndon Johnson increased the number of troops on the ground to 537,000 from 184,000. The Vietnam War became America’s war. The number of Americans killed in action jumped from 172 a month during 1965 to 1,200 a month during 1968, according to research from Dennis M. Simon, a political science professor at Southern Methodist University in Dallas. Johnson, Simon writes, was said to suffer a “credibility gap” because he had run as a “peace candidate.”
“That’s why we all voted for Johnson,” Allen says. “[Barry] Goldwater was going to escalate the war so we voted for Johnson and we know how that turned out.”
Paul Menchaca is a co-editor of Last Exit Magazine.
Copyright Last Exit 2009
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